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In 2003, when we had begun working on the National Programme of Development (NPR) 2007-2013, I was wondering what could be done in order to prevent our political successors from wasting, aft er the parliamentary elections of 2005, what we would have achieved by that time. Th e main challenge to deal with was how to take advantage of EU membership and utilise EU structural instruments. It is rational, that a full cycle of development foreseen in such plan is carried out more for than a dozen years or so, that is, at least three to four government terms. I assumed that the most sensible solution would be to prepare a complete NPR and all the documents needed, but without passing them. Instead they were left for our successors for adjustments2. I had thought that if the proceedings were fully transparent and accompanied with broad national debate, involving representatives of the opposition, then our successors would respect the outcome of such a collaboration and further use it. I also assumed that they would only change the details like titles, covers, reorganize something, but apart from that they would accept the Programme simply because they would not be able to develop anything entirely new on time. I was wrong, as it turned out. Almost everything was forsaken just because it was developed by the former, 'not right' government. Even the slightest traces of NPR disappeared from the site of the Ministry of Regional Development.

In two approaches to social change -- the imperative & the interactive -- changes are either forced on or created by an environment. Each approach requires instruments that severely limit the potential outcomes of change, & therefore meet with inconsistent results. In the case of attempts to change the markets in central & Eastern Europe to a liberal format, the imperative method has been generally unsuccessful & widely criticized. Instead, a negotiated method of systemic change is proposed based on the interactive method, which involves a funadmental reassessment of systemic change overall & individual habits in particular. This alternative would allow a diverse base of economic actors & sectors, along with multiple forms of institutional involvement in an entrepreneurial setting, rather than the economic individualism, degradation of communciation, & polarization between economics & politics seen recently with the liberal agenda. Under postsocialist conditions, this negotiated method can serve a dual purpose: it can help create new institutional frameworks & rules for economic practice where they were previously lacking (meso- & microstructure), which can then form a basis for implementing larger (macrostructural) political & economic systems. 32 References. Adapted from the source document.